Let the same process go on. Fifty years ago good old English Tories used to denounce all joint stock companies in the same way, and for similar reasons. He wants to be equal to his fellows, as all sovereigns are equal. The reference to the friend of humanity back to his own business is obviously the next step. At the very best, one of us fails in one way and another in another, if we do not fail altogether. If we generalize this, it means that All-of-us ought to guarantee rights to each of us. They are part of the struggle with nature for existence. According to Sumner, the social classes owe each other mutual respect, and mutual guarantee of liberty and security. He first inquires into the origins of these "social classes" (the . Let us take the second first. Private ownership of land is only division of labor. That life once held more poetry and romance is true enough. To say that a popular government cannot be paternal is to give it a charter that it can do no wrong. IT is commonly asserted that there are in the United States no classes, and any allusion to classes is resented. William Graham Sumner is a social Darwinist who claimed that people who work hard are rich, while people who do not work as hard are poor. The federal government is called upon to buy or hire unsalable ships, to build canals which will not pay, to furnish capital for all sorts of experiments, and to provide capital for enterprises of which private individuals will win the profits. An improvement in surgical instruments or in anaesthetics really does more for those who are not well off than all the declamations of the orators and pious wishes of the reformers. Attention is all absorbed by the clamorous interests, the importunate petitioners, the plausible schemers, the pitiless bores. That a society of free men, cooperating under contract, is by far the strongest society which has ever yet existed; that no such society has ever yet developed the full measure of strength of which it is capable; and that the only social improvements which are now conceivable lie in the direction of more complete realization of a society of free men united by contract, are points which cannot be controverted. Today I'd like to share a few pages of a book I am reading. Reviews aren't verified, but Google checks for and removes fake content when it's identified . This, however, will not produce equal results, but it is right just because it will produce unequal resultsthat is, results which shall be proportioned to the merits of individuals. They may, then, be classified in reference to these facts. Then the "idol of the people," or the military "savior of society," or both in one, has made himself autocrat, and the same old vicious round has recommenced. Sometimes they claim that they have a right to everything of which they feel the need for their happiness on earth. After reading and listening to a great deal of this sort of assertion I find that the question forms itself with more and more distinctness in my mind: Who are those who assume to put hard questions to other people and to demand a solution of them? "The poor," "the weak," "the laborers," are expressions which are used as if they had exact and well-understood definition. In the former case we might assume that the givers of aid were willing to give it, and we might discuss the benefit or mischief of their activity. If alms are given, or if we "make work" for a man, or "give him employment," or "protect" him, we simply take a product from one and give it to another. Their sympathies need regulating, not stimulating. They could not oppress them if they wanted to do so. It is nothing but the doctrine of liberty. It has been reached through a gradual emancipation of the mass of mankind from old bonds both to nature and to their fellow men. Who dares say that he is the friend of the employer? introduction 7 i.onanewphilosophy:thatpovertyis thebestpolicy 13 ii.thatafreemanisasovereign,butthat asovereigncannottake"tips"..28 iii.thatitisnotwickedtoberich;nay, even,thatitisnotwickedtoberich- erthanone'sneighbor 43 iv.onthereasonswhymanisnotalto- getherabrute 58 v.thatwemusthavefewmen,ifwewant strongmen 72 vi.thathewhowouldbewelltakencare ofmusttakecareofhimself-\ In days when men acted by ecclesiastical rules these prejudices produced waste of capital, and helped mightily to replunge Europe into barbarism. In former days it often happened that "The State" was a barber, a fiddler, or a bad woman. To make such a claim against God and nature would, of course, be only to say that we claim a right to live on earth if we can. Anyone, therefore, who cares for the Forgotten Man will be sure to be considered a friend of the capitalist and an enemy of the poor man. The other sovereigns will not respect his independence if he becomes dependent, and they cannot respect his equality if he sues for favors. The social sanctions of aristocracy tell with great force on the plutocrats, more especially on their wives and daughters. Such a notion only shows how little true notions of political economy have as yet become popularized. If you get wealth, you will have to support other people; if you do not get wealth, it will be the duty of other people to support you. That we have lost some grace and elegance is undeniable. The laborers about whom we are talking are free men in a free state. Although he trained as an Episcopalian clergyman, Sumner went on to teach at Yale University, where he wrote his most influential works. It is right that they should be so used. There can be no rights against nature, except to get out of her whatever we can, which is only the fact of the struggle for existence stated over again. There are bad, harsh, cross employers; there are slovenly, negligent workmen; there are just about as many proportionately of one of these classes as of the other. The parents, however, hand down to their children the return for all which they had themselves inherited from their ancestors. The dogmatic radicals who assail "on principle" the inherited social notions and distinctions are not serving civilization. Sometimes there is an element of self-interest in the proposed reformation, as when a publisher wanted a duty imposed on books, to keep Americans from reading books which would unsettle their Americanisms; and when artists wanted a tax laid on pictures, to save Americans from buying bad paintings. If it were not for the notion brought from England, that trade unions are, in some mysterious way, beneficial to the workmenwhich notion has now become an article of faithit is very doubtful whether American workmen would find that the unions were of any use, unless they were converted into organizations for accomplishing the purposes enumerated above. There is a plain tendency of all civilized governments toward plutocracy. Now, the man who can do anything for or about anybody else than himself is fit to be head of a family; and when he becomes head of a family he has duties to his wife and his children, in addition to the former big duty. We cannot say that there are no classes, when we are speaking politically, and then say that there are classes, when we are telling A what it is his duty to do for B. Its political processes will also be republican. The modern industrial system is a great social cooperation. The employer is worried, but that does not raise wages. Just so in sociology. It is supposed that the fight is between the workmen and their employers, and it is believed that one can give sympathy in that contest to the workmen without feeling responsibility for anything farther. Society, however, is only the persons interested plus some other persons; and as the persons interested have by the hypothesis failed to win the rights, we come to this, that natural rights are the claims which certain persons have by prerogative against some other persons. Whatever you think of William Graham Sumner's argument, he expresses classical Social Darwinist theory quite eloquently. It treats of the laws of the material welfare of human societies. Next, we have come to think that that is the right way for things to be; and it is true that a change to a sound and normal condition would for a time hurt us, as a man whose foot has been distorted would suffer if he tried to wear a well-shaped boot. Solved once, it re-appears in a new form. They will aid him with counsel and information if he desires it, and any man who needs and deserves help because he is trying to help himself will be sure to meet with sympathy, encouragement, and assistance from those who are better off. He must concentrate, not scatter, and study laws, not all conceivable combinations of force which may occur in practice. A free man, a free country, liberty, and equality are terms of constant use among us. The California gold-miners have washed out gold, and have washed the dirt down into the rivers and on the farms below. ; and it is allowed to pass as an unquestioned doctrine in regard to social classes that "the rich" ought to "care for the poor"; that Churches especially ought to collect capital from the rich and spend it for the poor; that parishes ought to be clusters of institutions by means of which one social class should perform its duties to another; and that clergymen, economists, and social philosophers have a technical and professional duty to devise schemes for "helping the poor." If a strike occurs, it certainly wastes capital and hinders production. Where population has become chronically excessive, and where the population has succumbed and sunk, instead of developing energy enough for a new advance, there races have degenerated and settled into permanent barbarism. HARPER & BROTHERS, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. The three sons met in a distant city, and compared the gifts they had found. Women who earn their own living probably earn on an average seventy-five cents per day of ten hours. To say that employers and employed are partners in an enterprise is only a delusive figure of speech. I do not know what the comparative wealth of the two writers is, but it is interesting to notice that there is a wide margin between their ideas of how rich they would allow their fellow citizens to become, and of the point at which they ("the State," of course) would step in to rob a man of his earnings. They have been set free. The relation of parents and children is the only case of sacrifice in nature. He may grumble sometimes to his wife, but he does not frequent the grocery, and he does not talk politics at the tavern. lumberjack breakfast calories. The little group of public servants who, as I have said, constitute the state, when the state determines on anything, could not do much for themselves or anybody else by their own force. If so, they only get their fair deserts when the railroad inspector finds out that a bridge is not safe after it is broken down, or when the bank examiner comes in to find out why a bank failed after the cashier has stolen all the funds. We cannot stand still. They are having their own way, and they like it. Except matters of health, probably none have such general interest as matters of society. So he is forgotten. It was only when the men were prosperous that they could afford to keep up the unions, as a kind of social luxury. Capital, however, as we have seen, is the force by which civilization is maintained and carried on. Over the decades, sociologists have outlined as many as six or seven social classes based on such things as, once again, education, occupation, and income, but also on lifestyle, the schools people's children attend, a family's reputation in the community, how . contents. We have a great many social difficulties and hardships to contend with. William Graham Sumner (18401910) was a sociologist at Yale University, a historian of American banking, and great expositor of classical liberalism. If, then, we correct and limit the definitions, and if we test the assumptions, we shall find out whether there is anything to discuss about the relations of "labor and capital," and, if anything, what it is. To the capital in existence all must come for their subsistence and their tools. Whether social philosophers think it desirable or not, it is out of the question to go back to status or to the sentimental relations which once united baron and retainer, master and servant, teacher and pupil, comrade and comrade. Those who are trying to reason out any issue from this tangle of false notions of society and of history are only involving themselves in hopeless absurdities and contradictions. So he goes on to tell us that if we think that we shall, by being let alone, attain a perfect happiness on earth, we are mistaken. He sent them out to see which of the three would bring him the most valuable present. We fight against them all the time. I have said something disparagingly in a previous chapter about the popular rage against combined capital, corporations, corners, selling futures, etc., etc. They were fit neither to cope with the natural difficulties of winning much food from little land, nor to cope with the malice of men. Part of the task which devolves on those who are subject to the duty is to define the problem. . The greatest reforms which could now be accomplished would consist in undoing the work of statesmen in the past, and the greatest difficulty in the way of reform is to find out how to undo their work without injury to what is natural and sound. He knows something of the laws of nature; he can avail himself of what is favorable, and avert what is unfavorable, in nature, to a certain extent; he has narrowed the sphere of accident, and in some respects reduced it to computations which lessen its importance; he can bring the productive forces of nature into service, and make them produce food, clothing, and shelter. What the Social Classes Owe to Each Other was first published in 1883, and it asks a crucially important question: Does any class or interest group have the duty and burden of fighting the battles of life for any other class?]. He was reasoning with the logic of his barbarian ancestors. In this country, where workmen move about frequently and with facility, the unions suffer in their harmony and stability. Suppose, again, that a person lecturing on the law of gravitation should state the law of falling bodies, and suppose that an objector should say: You state your law as a cold, mathematical fact and you declare that all bodies will fall conformably to it. A criminal is a man who, instead of working with and for the society, has turned against it, and become destructive and injurious. In the definition of liberty it will be noticed that liberty is construed as the act of the sovereign people against somebody who must, of course, be differentiated from the sovereign people. In a community where the standard of living is high, and the conditions of production are favorable, there is a wide margin within which an individual may practice self-denial and win capital without suffering, if he has not the charge of a family.

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